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Secret Behind Communism The Ethnic Origins Of T... HOT!

During the 1920s, Hitler declared that the mission of the Nazi movement was to destroy "Jewish Bolshevism".[28] Hitler asserted that the "three vices" of "Jewish Marxism" were democracy, pacifism and internationalism,[29] and that the Jews were behind Bolshevism, communism and Marxism.[30] In private conversations held in 1940s, Hitler labelled Christianity as a Jewish product analogous to Judeo-Bolshevism:

Secret Behind Communism The Ethnic Origins of t...

Individual theories vary widely. Many claim that "international Jewry" is in control of the Freemasons, Illuminati, and other real or perceived secret societies. Often the international Jewish conspiracy is portrayed as an active part of, or the major power behind, that greatest of all conspiracies, the New World Order. Much as many religious fundamentalists often use "Goddidit" to explain that which they cannot explain, conspiracy theorists will often use "Jewsdidit".

In the mid-50s, the old ICPers were joined by a number of militant nationalist studentsreturning from France, including the future KR rulers Pol Pot (real name: Saloth Sar),Ieng Sary, and Khieu Samphan. A party, the CPK, was formed by these two groups in 1960,but its existence was kept secret until 1977, long after it seized power. Apparently thiswas an unprincipled concession to the anti-communism of the nationalist ex-students. Whenanti-communism is not fought it grows, as we shall see.

  • II. Champion Aspirations for Human Dignity"Some worry that it is somehow undiplomatic or impolite tospeak the language of right and wrong. I disagree. Different circumstancesrequire different methods, but not different moralities."President BushWest Point, New YorkJune 1, 2002In pursuit of our goals, our first imperative isto clarify what we stand for: the United Statesmust defend liberty and justice because theseprinciples are right and true for all people everywhere.No nation owns these aspirations, and nonation is exempt from them. Fathers and mothersin all societies want their children to be educatedand to live free from poverty and violence. Nopeople on earth yearn to be oppressed, aspire toservitude, or eagerly await the midnight knock ofthe secret police.America must stand firmly for the nonnegotiabledemands of human dignity: the rule of law;limits on the absolute power of the state; freespeech; freedom of worship; equal justice; respectfor women; religious and ethnic tolerance; andrespect for private property.These demands can be met in many ways.America’s constitution has served us well.Many other nations, with different histories andcultures, facing different circumstances, havesuccessfully incorporated these core principlesinto their own systems of governance. History hasnot been kind to those nations which ignored orflouted the rights and aspirations of their people.America’s experience as a great multi-ethnicdemocracy affirms our conviction that people ofmany heritages and faiths can live and prosper inpeace. Our own history is a long struggle to liveup to our ideals. But even in our worst moments,the principles enshrined in the Declaration ofIndependence were there to guide us. As a result,America is not just a stronger, but is a freer andmore just society.Today, these ideals are a lifeline to lonelydefenders of liberty. And when openings arrive,we can encourage change—as we did in centraland eastern Europe between 1989 and 1991,or in Belgrade in 2000.When we see democraticprocesses take hold among our friends in Taiwanor in the Republic of Korea, and see electedleaders replace generals in Latin America andAfrica, we see examples of how authoritariansystems can evolve, marrying local history andtraditions with the principles we all cherish.Embodying lessons from our past and usingthe opportunity we have today, the national securitystrategy of the United States must start from thesecore beliefs and look outward for possibilities toexpand liberty.Our principles will guide our government’sdecisions about international cooperation, thecharacter of our foreign assistance, and theallocation of resources. They will guide ouractions and our words in international bodies.We will:speak out honestly about violations of thenonnegotiable demands of human dignityusing our voice and vote in internationalinstitutions to advance freedom;

  • use our foreign aid to promote freedom andsupport those who struggle non-violentlyfor it, ensuring that nations moving towarddemocracy are rewarded for the steps they take;

  • make freedom and the development ofdemocratic institutions key themes in ourbilateral relations, seeking solidarity andcooperation from other democracies whilewe press governments that deny humanrights to move toward a better future; and

  • take special efforts to promote freedom ofreligion and conscience and defend it fromencroachment by repressive governments.

We will champion the cause of human dignityand oppose those who resist it.

When the Soviet Union fell in 1991, scholars and practitioners were on high alert as to whether there would be another potential Weimar Republic scenario unfolding that could lead to World War III. Once communism as an ideology officially ended, over 25 million Russian minorities got stranded behind the borders of Russia in countries, such as Estonia, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Ukraine, and more.1 The issue of minorities was important at the time of the Munich Agreement in 1938, which allowed Germany to annex the Sudetenland in western Czechoslovakia which had over 3 million people of German origin. Hitler had used ethnicity to justify his takeover of this territory within another sovereign country. Similarly, Russia could have used the Russian minority issue after the Cold War to reclaim territory from surrounding states; however, it did not. The dissolution of the Soviet Union was relatively peaceful. This could not be said about the former Yugoslav republics which fell amid bloody civil wars and ethnic hatred. Slobodan Milosevich was adamant about holding Yugoslavia together and used ethnicity as a way to galvanize the population for violence; however, Boris Yeltsin at the time did not. In other words, the dog did bark in the case of Yugoslavia, but in the case of the Soviet Union, it did not.2

Contrary to communism's goal of a classless society, fascism upholds a strict class structure, ensuring that every member of society has a specific, unchangeable role. Often in fascist societies women are restricted to the home and child-rearing, and a certain racial or ethnic group is considered superior, with national and ethnic unity encouraged at the expense of individuality and diversity. For example, Hitler's fascist regime glorified the Aryan race and called for the extermination of Jews, Gypsies, and Poles during World War II. Moreover, other groups with actual or perceived differences, including homosexuals, the disabled, and communists, were targeted during the Holocaust.

The shift away from ethnic selection in U.S. immigration policy was primarily a response to foreign policy pressures emanating from the growing number of independent Asian, African, and Latin American countries that sought to delegitimize racism through the United Nations and other, particularly Pan-American, multilateral institutions. World War II and Cold War national-security concerns amplified the pressure on the United States to end the national-origins immigration system. The Allies in World War II and the West during the Cold War risked losing support from Third World countries whose peoples were excluded by openly racist immigration laws. 041b061a72


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